Editing in progress - 12/21/2002
Keith Vaughn Holland
United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
Describe Present and Historic Physical Appearance.
Maple Leaf
as Built.
Maple Leaf
was a typical Great Lakes passenger steamship of the decade preceding the American Civil
War. Her Canadian customhouse measurements were 398 tons burthen, 173.2 feet long, 24.7 feet in
breadth of hull, and 10.6 feet depth of hull. The carvel-planked hull was described as "a beautiful
model... she promises to be a fast-boat." The stempost was vertical with no bowsprit or figurehead
and the stern was round with no quarter galleries. The hull had a single deck, with the machinery
amidships, and cargo holds fore and aft.1
The hull structure was supported along each side inboard of the paddles by hogging frames. Hogging
frames were massive arches, with the arched upper face and compression members built of ironfastened
wood and tension members of wrought iron rod. They spread the thrust and weight
of the engines throughout the length of the hull to prevent the distortion of
the hull girder known as hogging.2
A sponson deck extended the breadth of the main deck in a gentle curve from the bow and stern to
the outside of the paddleboxes. The sponson deck was surrounded by a heavy
timber guard, which was, in turn, protected by six heavy wooden fenders per
side, each suspended loosely from the boiler deck above. When the ship was
underway, the fenders were pulled up onto the deck edge to keep them from
banging against the edge of the deck.3
A wooden and iron windlass is mounted in the eyes of the ship on the main deck. This was the
standard form of windlass mounted in merchant vessels of the period. A pair of heavy knees
reinforced the forward side of the upright carrick-bitts supporting each end of the windlass. A heavy
upright timber called the pawl-bitt stood on the forward side of the center of the windlass.
Superstructure
The main deck was covered by a second deck, the boiler, promenade, or passenger deck, for its entire
length. Forward of the paddleboxes, the main deck was completely enclosed by solid vertical sides.
Aft of the paddle boxes, the deck was open with the ladies cabin
extending from the rear center of the paddleboxes. Cargo doors were located to
port and starboard on the bow. Stanchions around the edge of the main deck
supported the passenger deck above.4
The passenger deck held a pilothouse forward, and a central saloon 130 feet long, surrounded by
passenger staterooms. The saloon table was reported to seat 100 passengers for dinner. The saloon
could be cooled by opening windows in the low clerestory roof. Eight staterooms were furnished
with French bedsteads and the remaining 32 with two berths each. A reporter described the
furnishings:
-
The saloon and ladies' cabin beneath are richly decorated with white and gold
cornices and paneling, the chairs and settees cushioned with crimson plush, and
curtains of crimson and gold damask.5
The passenger deck was surmounted by a light hurricane deck running from the pilothouse aft.
The pilothouse was raised above the level of the remainder of the, passenger deck to provide a clear
view fore and aft for the pilot and steersman inside. It was roughly octagonal in shape, apparently
with windows providing 360 degree visibility.
' Gerald T. Girvin, "The Maple Leaf Story Prior to the Civil War,"
The Maple Leaf, An Extraordinary American
Civil War Shipwreck,
Keith V. Holland, Lee B. Manley, James W. Towart, eds., (Jacksonville, Florida:
St. Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., 1993) pp.
68-70.
From
1856
photograph frontispiece by Edward T. Whitney in collection of Gerald T. Girvin, Rochester, New York,
reproduced in Holland, et al.,
The Maple Leaf, p. iv.
Edward T. Whiney,
1856
photograph of
Maple Leaf
at Port of Charlotte, from the collection of Gerald T. Girvin,
reproduced in
The Maple Leaf, p. iv
Alan L. Bates,
The Western Rivers Steamboat Compendium,
(Leonia, New Jersey: Hustle Press,
1968) pp. 98-99.,
5 ,
Machinery
Maple Leaf
was powered by a vertical or "walking" beam engine. This type of engine was placed in
the center of the ship, concentrating weight and thrust amidships. A single large cylinder forward of
the paddle shaft drove the piston connecting rod which pushed and pulled one end of the walking
beam up and down like a teeterboard. A second or crank connecting rod ran from the after end of the
walking beam down to turn the crank on the paddle shaft.'
The walking beam on the wreck today is a replacement for the one broken during an accident in 1853.
It differs from the most common form of steamship beam in construction. The beam is a flattened
ellipse cast in a single piece with a central web and surrounding flange for strength. Most U.S. built
walking beam engines of the period had a diamond-shaped open framework;
Maple Leaf's
design was
more common in industrial steam engines than in steamships.'
Steam to work the engine was provided by a pair of wood-burning return tube boilers placed side by
side in the hold on each side of the engine passing under the paddle shaft. The boilers are about seven
feet in diameter and 27.5 feet long. Firemen threw wood into the firebox at the
forward end of each boiler. Heat and exhaust gasses from the burning wood passed
through flues in the boiler to the rear of the boilers, back to the front
through tubes, and up large diameter, side by side smokestacks forward of the
paddleboxes. Steam for the engines was taken from annular steam chambers around
the smokestacks atop the firebox ends of the boilers.8
1856 Edward T. Whitney photograph op
cit.
Toronto Daily Patriot,
October 10, 1851, quoted in Girvin, "The Maple Leaf Story," pp. 71-72.
Cantelas,
Maple Leaf.- The 1993 Field Investigations,
Draft manuscript, pp. 39-54.
Girvin, "The Maple Leaf Story Prior to the Civil War," p. 76; T. E. Crowley,
Beam Engines,
(Aylesbury, Bucks: Shire
Publications, Ltd., 1976)
passim;
Frank J. Cantelas, "Maple Leaf: The 1993 Field Investigations," draft copy of report produced
for St. Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., by the Program in Maritime History and Nautical Archaeology, East Carolina
University, Greenville, North Carolina, pp. 51-53.
Maple Leaf
Today
The shipwreck lies embedded in the bottom of the St. Johns River near Mandarin Point twelve miles
upriver from downtown Jacksonville, Florida. The hull lies perpendicular to the navigation channel.
The majority of the wreck is about three to seven feet beneath a layer of anaerobic mud, in about
twenty feet of water. The water is tidal and brackish at this point in the river, suffused with tannin
limiting visibility from zero to about five feet.
When the wreck was located, very little protruded above the bottom. Only the disarticulated paddle
shaft and rudder post were visible. Sediment, ranging in depth from four to nine feet, covers the site,
including about, twelve to eighteen inches of suspended silt which flows across the bottom with each
tide. Current tidal changes have been measured at .83 knots, with heavier currents occasionally
following periods of heavy rain.'
Probing the sediment and excavation of about three quarters of the deck shows that the hull is
probably present in its entirety, with a large section of the starboard box and deck reduced to broken
planking by the torpedo. Disarticulated portions of the superstructure and hogging braces are also
present on the site.
Cargo: Associated Material Culture
At the time of her
loss, Maple Leaf
was carrying most of the baggage of three U.S. Army infantry
regiments; the stock of at least two sutlers; a Brigade headquarters; and gear and baggage of several
smaller attached units. The military units included: the 112th New York Volunteers; the 169th New
York Volunteers; the 13th Indiana Infantry Regiment; and the headquarters of Foster's Brigade of
Vogdes Division. The baggage included tents and other equipment of the military units as well as
material belonging to individual soldiers. l°
Cantelas,
Maple Leaf.- The 1993 Field Investigation,
draft, pp. 40-47; Walter S. Hutton,
Steam Boiler Construction, A
Practical Handbook for Engineers, Boiler-Makers, & Steam Users,
3rd ed. (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1898) pp.
288-290; [International Textbook Company],
Marine Boilers, Marine Engines, Western River Steamboats,
(Scranton,
Pennsylvania: International Textbook Company, 1902) pp. 299-301.
Frank J. Cantelas,
The 1992 Maple Leaf Field Investigation,
Produced for Saint Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., by the
Program In Maritime History and Nautical Archaeology, East Carolina University, Greenville, North Carolina, 1993.
t°
Cantelas,
Maple Leaf.- The 1993 Field Investigations, p. 105;
Towart and Witt, "The
Maple Leaf
as a Union Army Transport,"
pp. 14-17; D. K. Ryberg, "Regiments with Baggage Aboard the
Maple Leaf,"
in
The Maple Leaf, An Extraordinary American
Civil War Shipwreck, pp.
31-42.
The army baggage was stowed in two cargo holds located
forward and aft of the engine room.
Soldier's possessions were stored in wooden boxes, barrels, and trunks usually marked with the
names of their owners. Some boxes appear to have contained the property of several soldiers,
holding articles marked with the initials of up to four men. Tent poles and other camp gear were
stored on board atop and between piles of boxes. As inferred from the sample already recovered,
the packing order of the cargo indicates that baggage from each unit was stowed together.
II
Very
little of this material was saved at the time of loss and only a small sample of
the total has been retrieved to date. According to historical records, the cargo
is contained in a compact area of the two holds. More than 3000 individual
artifacts have been recovered and conserved to date in 1994. The recovered
artifacts are a strong indication that
Maple Leaf is the most important known collection of
Civil War era material culture known and has a tremendous potential to increase our knowledge of
everyday life for soldiers of the Civil War period.
12
11
Cantelas,
Maple Leaf: The 1993 Field Investigations, p. 105.
12
James J. Miller, "The Sociology of a Shipwreck Project,"
The Maple Leaf, An Extraordinary American Civil War Shipwreck,
Holland, Manley, Towart, eds. (St. Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., 1993) pp.
125-126.
STATEMENT OF SIGNIFICANCE
Certifying official has considered the significance of this property in relation to other properties:
Nationally:- Statewide:- Locally:
Applicable National
Register Criteria: A X B- C- D -X
Criteria Considerations
(Exceptions): A- B- C- D- E F- G -
NHL Criteria: 1, 6
NHL Theme(s): VI. The Civil War
D. Naval Action
XIV. Transportation ,
B. Ships, Boats, Lighthouses, and Other Structures
Areas of Significance: Archeology--Historic--Non-Aboriginal
Maritime History
Military
Transportation
Period(s) of Significance: 1851-1864
Significant Dates: April 1, 1864
Significant Person(s): N/A
Cultural Affiliation: N/A
Architect/Builder: George Thurston
State Significance of Property, and Justify Criteria, Criteria Considerations, and Areas and Periods of
Significance Noted Above.
The wreck of the Army transport
Maple Leaf
has two principal areas of significance, the
maritime history of the Great Lakes and the history of the American Civil War. The significance
of the vessel and its incredible state of preservation make this site the most important Civil War
archaeological site known.
The preceding statement of significance is based on the more complete statement which follows.
Great Lakes Steamships
Steam propulsion came to the Great Lakes in 1816, when the American-built
Ontario
and the
Canadian-built
Frontenac
began operation on Lake Ontario. Using the hull design of existing Great
Lakes sailing vessels, early steamers were otherwise quite similar to Eastern river steamships, with side
paddle wheels amidships supported by extended sponsons, and large deckhouses for passengers. The
first steam vessel completely adapted to the Great Lakes was
Great Britain
of 1830, with a bluff bow,
square stern, side-by-side boilers and smokestacks, and a full main deck superstructure surmounted by
a canopied promenade deck.'
Maritime commerce on the Great Lakes increased greatly following the completion of various harbor
and channel improvements that allowed deeper draft vessels to trade with more ports. The opening of
the Erie Canal in 1825, followed by other canal systems, also provided a tremendous boost to
maritime trade on the Lakes. Cargoes loaded in New York City could travel up the Hudson River
through the Erie Canal and to the farthest reaches of Lake Superior. Starting in 1829, vessels could
transit the Welland Canal around Niagara Falls between Lakes Erie and Ontario. The final link in the
chain was opened in 1848 with the Neauhamois and Lachine canals around the rapids on the St.
Lawrence River.'
By 1850, steamships on the Great Lakes included fast side-wheelers carrying passengers, mail, and
expensive manufactured goods and slower screw-propeller freighters carrying finished goods and
bulk freight. Most bulk cargoes continued to be carried in sailing vessels. These vessels
traveled the
Great Lakes as part of a complicated maritime transportation network. The network was supported
by a specialized infrastructure utilizing dredges to open channels; canals to travel between lakes;
docks and piers fitted with warehouses and cargo handing gear; and shipyards,
foundries, sail makers, and others to build and maintain the ships. Competition
with a faster new transportation network-railroads-began with the completion of
lines paralleling the Lakes in 1857. The rails provided a challenge that many
passenger steamers could not meet. Railroad competition combined with a national
economic depression ended the Great Lakes steamship boom. Many steamship lines
did not weather the hard times.'
' Professor William N. Still, Gordon P. Watts, Bradley Rogers, "The Advent
of
Steam Navigation in the United States," in Robert
Gardiner, ed.,
The Advent of Steam: The Merchant Steamship before 1900; Conway's History of the Ship,
(Annapolis, Maryland:
Naval Institute Press, 1993) pp. 68-72; K. Jack Bauer,
A Maritime History of the United States, The Role of America's Seas and
Waterways
(Columbia: University
of
South Carolina Press, 1988) pp. 185-187.
Still, Watts, Rogers, "The Advent of Steam Navigation in the United States." pp. 68-72; Bauer,
A Maritime History of the
United States, pp.
187-191, 202.
The Building of
Maple Leaf
The side-wheeler passenger and freight steamship
Maple Leaf
was built for service on Lake Ontario
during the winter of 1850-1851. George Thurston, "one of the best nautical draftsmen and
shipbuilders in Canada," designed and built the side-wheeler in the Marine Railway Shipyard in
Kingston, Ontario. The mail and passenger line of Donald Bethune and Company of Toronto
ordered the steamer to replace the elderly
Princess Royal,
which had been repeatedly fined for
failing to keep up with the demanding schedule required of a government-subsidized mail steamer.'
The new steamship was christened
Maple Leaf
at her launching on June 18, 1851. More work
followed the launching to complete the machinery, decks, cabin joinery, and painting. The finished
vessel was registered in Toronto, on September 15, 1851. The ship was ready but her owner, Donald
Bethune, had overextended his shipping line and quickly mortgaged the steamer to John Counter of
Kingston, Ontario, to support his operation. The mortgage saved the line for several more years of
operation.'
Career on the Great Lakes
Maple Leaf
worked on several different passenger routes across and along the length of Lake Ontario
during her first four years. Then in 1854, with the company in severe financial straits, Donald
Bethune left the country, absconding with the company's operating cash. The company stumbled on
for a while but in April 1855, the remaining partners sold
Maple Leaf
and the charter on another
steamer to a new joint stock company centered in Rochester, New York.'
Still, Watts, Rogers, "The Advent of Steam Navigation in the United States," pp. 68-72; Bauer, A
Maritime History of the United
States, pp.
184-204; James C. Mills,
Our Inland Seas: Their Shipping and Commerce for Three Centuries
(Cleveland, Ohio:
Freshwater Press, 1976, reprint of Chicago: A. C. McClurg & CO., 1910) pp. 103-163.
Mills, Our Inland Seas, pp.
151-163; Gerald T. Girvin, "The Maple Leaf Story Prior to the Civil War,"
The Maple Leaf, An
Extraordinary American Civil War Shipwreck,
Keith V. Holland, Lee B. Manley, James W. Towart, eds., (Jacksonville, Florida:
St. Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., 1993) pp. 86-95.
Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 63-67.
Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 67-71.
Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 76-81.
A new U.S./Canadian reciprocity treaty and the extension of a bonded warehouse system to Lake
Ontario and the St. Lawrence River invigorated trade. The new shipping company formed as the Lake
Ontario International Steamboat Company and began operation on June 20, 1855. It was set up so
that Rochester businessmen owned 60 % and businessmen of the Canadian side of the lake owned 40
% of the stock.'
The International company weathered the first year of the depression of 1857 by adding
excursion trips to their regular runs but succumbed to economic pressure in October 1858.The U.S. marshal arrested Maple Leaf at her dock in Rochester and the steamer was sold on
January 25, 1859, to George J. Whitney, and again a few days later to Canadian investors
headed by Captain George Schofield. Railroad competition had also displaced the
lake
steamers as the primary passenger transportation mode. Accordingly, the new owners
limited regular trips across the lake to three a week, which allowed full cargo holds and
passenger lists. To make up the rest of the schedule the owners promoted a number of
passenger pleasure excursions on the lake.9
Maple Leaf Sold to United States Owners
As the American Civil War began, tensions between the United States and Canada increased. Maple
Leaf was placed in an awkward position by trading between the two neighbors. United States Army
recruiters offered bounties to young Canadian men to join the Federal service-many accepted. The
sympathies of many other Canadians ran with the Confederacy. On the Fourth of July 1862 a riot
broke out when Maple Leaf arrived to carry Canadians to the American celebrations. Cheers for Jeff
Davis and Beauregard joined with cries that the band booked for the excursion
play "Dixie" as well as "Yankee Doodle."10
The worst business conditions in Maple Leaf s career brought an end to her service on the Great Lakes
in mid August 1862. Captain Schofield and his partners sold her for $25,000 to Lang and Delano of
Boston, who in turn chartered the steamer to the U.S. Army Quartermaster Department. The way in
which Maple Leaf entered U.S. registry to serve in the war is uncertain. This sale gave an American
company and subsequently, the United States government, control of a vessel still legally registered in
Canada.
Maple Leaf steamed out of the lakes and down the St. Lawrence River into the Atlantic to Lubec,
Maine.
Lubec was a small, out-of-the-way port, where conversion for Maple Leaf s new duty would
be inexpensive and rapid. Halifax, Nova Scotia, and St. Johns, New Brunswick, were full of blockade
runners under repair, while most U.S. ports were fully engaged in building or preparing ships for war."
Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 79-83.
Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 88-95.
'° Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 100-101.
11
Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 102-107.
The conversion lasted a week followed by a further time on a marine railway in Boston for hull
scraping, caulking, and painting.
Maple Leaf
was inspected in Boston, probably for insurance
purposes, but was not registered as an American vessel. Like other such charters of Canadian vessels
to the Army through American contractors, the transaction violated international law related to
neutrality.
12
Civil War at Sea
The Civil War was not only fought on the well-known battlefields of the nation; it was also fought
at sea, on the coasts, and along the rivers. The history of this part of the great struggle has been
largely neglected. Only two naval vessels,
USS Monitor
and USS
Tecumseh,
are represented in the
National Historic Landmarks Survey. Twenty-eight more vessels associated with the Civil War are
listed on the National Register of Historic Places.
The policies followed by the Union and Confederate naval leaders throughout the Civil War were
formed according to several requirements. One prominent naval historian summed up the
parameters:
...certain variables have always been at work. At any given time the task of the navy's
leaders has been to assess their relative weight when constructing a policy and
strategy. The most prominent of the permanently interacting variables-or elementsinclude the external political and economic environment; the policies of the president
and his advisors, whether in peace or in war; the temperament of the Congress as the
putative embodiment of the people's will; the state of warship technology, that is,
hulls, propulsion systems, and armament; the attitudes and competence of the officer
corps; and the prevailing concepts about the nature of naval warfare."
The north employed two primary aspects of naval warfare: power projection and economic warfare.
Power projection is the use of military force to achieve domination over an enemy by defeating his
forces, or by capturing or immobilizing his forces, territory, or resources. Maritime economic warfare
uses two sides of the same coin, blockades and commerce raiding, to damage the enemy economy and
force a favorable resolution to a conflict. Power projection has the advantage that it can force a faster
resolution than economic warfare, but it is usually more costly in lives and treasure. Economic warfare
is less expensive and bloody than power projection, but takes a longer time to have an effect and its
effect is harder to measure. Most wars are fought by utilizing combinations of power projection and
economic warfare.
12
Girvin, "The
Maple Leaf
Story Prior to the Civil War," pp. 100-107.
t'
Kenneth J. Hagen, This
People's Navy: The Making of American Sea Power
(New York: The Free Press, 1991) pp. xii.
Power Projection
The United States had used naval power directly to force a favorable outcome in the conflict with
Mexico, where no real naval opposition was encountered. Naval forces blockaded enemy coasts and
convoyed troop transports to directly assault enemy territory. These . operations provided valuable
experience for the next national conflict. During the Civil War, officers used that experience in boldly
executed offensive operations to expand the role of sea power in attaining national goals.
Union naval strategy called for a progressive separation and defeat of southern areas in detail. The first
act of the Union naval command was to establish blockades off Confederate ports. This was followed
by efforts to stop commerce raiders; naval gunfire support of army operations, particularly
amphibious operations such as those on the outer banks of North Carolina and at Port Royal, South
Carolina; establishment of supply bases close to operating areas; fleet operations against coastal forts;
convoy of particularly valuable merchant vessels; operations against enemy naval units; and assaults on
major southern seaports.
Larger naval vessels of the Union navy such as the sailing frigate
Cumberland
and the steam sloop of
war
Kearsarge
were designed for operations in deep waters against enemy warships. The north
discovered early in the war that vessels of these types, which made up the bulk of the navy's fleet,
were not well suited to many of the tasks that they would be called on to perform in the coming
struggle. These vessels required large crews, deep water, and prodigious amounts of fuel -to operate.
To win the war the North would have to build new types of warships and convert others from
commercial vessels.
Improvised Gunboats and Transports
In order to fill the need for shipping, the Union managed a massive shipbuilding campaign and both
the Army and Navy established means to quickly evaluate and charter or purchase suitable merchant
vessels. The Navy needed shallow draft gunboats and found acceptable vessels among the tugboats and
steam ferries in northern ports. The Army needed transports to move and supply its forces in the
field and found them on coastal, canal, and river routes, and, in the case of
Maple Leaf,
on the Great
Lakes. The totals of vessels chartered and built for service during the war were tremendous. During
the Civil War, the U.S. Army chartered 753 oceangoing steamships, 1,080 sailing vessels, and 847
barges, and built 183 steamships, 43 sailing vessels, and 86 barges. The U.S. Navy purchased 418 vessels
and started construction of over 200 more.
14
Chartered to U.S. Army
Maple Leaf
was chartered to the Army on September 3, 1862, the day after her purchase. The
contract was signed by Charles Spear for the owners and Captain W. W. McKim for the Army. The
charter was intended to last only the brief period of time needed to transport
troops from the north. It was a time charter for $550 a day, with an option for indefinite
extensions. The owners paid all costs except that the Army was responsible for fuel, port charges,
and marine and war risks south of Cape Henry, Virginia.
The rate charged for this time charter was very high, assuring that the new owners would earn back
their purchase money and costs in less than two months. Such profiteering was common among Civil
War government contractors and led to many acrimonious disputes between conscientious
quartermaster employees and contractors. Congress had formed a special committee, chaired by
Charles H. Van Wyck of New York, to investigate reports of fraud, favoritism, profiteering, and
other corruption in government contracts. The committee found many problems and produced a
report detailing them."
Major General Montgomery C. Miegs, the Quartermaster General, ordered his subsidiaries
contracting for ships to annul all charters tainted with fraud. After
Maple Leaf
arrived at Fortress
Monroe in Hampton Roads with her first load of troops, Lieutenant Colonel C. W.
Thomas accordingly ordered the steamer back to Boston to terminate the contract. But
Maple Leaf
did not
go; her captain steamed to Baltimore and, after repairs, made another trip to Fort Monroe. Lieutenant
Colonel Thomas forced a renegotiation of the charter price and the steamer continued in Army service
at $250 a day."
14
James F. Nagle, A
History of Government Contracting
(Washington, D.C.: The George Washington University, 1992) p. 209; Paul
H. Silverstone,
Warships of the Civil War Navies
(Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute Press, 1989) p. ix.
Work in the South
On June 10, 1863, while off the Virginia coast, underway for Fort Delaware,
Confederate officer prisoners of war overpowered the guard and took over the
steamer. They guided the steamer to a point below Cape Henry, Virginia, where
they landed and set the vessel free. The escaped prisoners made their way to
Richmond and the capture placed the steamer
Maple Leaf
in the newspapers.
l'
Maple Leaf
continued to carry troops from place to place along the Virginia, South Carolina,
Georgia, and Florida coasts, into 1864. One particular center of operations was Port Royal, South
Carolina, the Union Army encampment on the barrier islands of South Carolina.
Florida and the Civil War
The city of Jacksonville, Florida, was a Confederate city until March 1862 when a Federal force on
an armed reconnaissance of the St. Johns River occupied the city. Retreating
is
Nagle, A
History of Government Contracting, pp. 181-209.
16
Nagle, A
History of Government Contracting, pp. 207-209;
Towart and Witt,
"Maple Leaf
as a Union Army Transport," pp.
810.
" A. E. Asbury, "Capture of the Maple Leaf,"
Confederate Veteran, vol. 6,
no. 11 (November
1898) p. 529;
Capt. John B. Wolf,
"Capture of the Maple Leaf,"
Confederate Veteran, vol. 29,
no. 10 (October
1921) p. 375;
A. E. Asbury, "Capture of the Maple
Leaf,"
Campfires of the Confederacy,
Ben LaBree, ed., (Louisville, Kentucky: Courier-Journal Job Printing Company,
1899) pp. 352354;
and Naval History Division, Navy Department, Civil
War Naval Chronology, 1861-1865
(Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office,
1971) 111-92.
Confederates destroyed industrial establishments, including a foundry, six sawmills, and materials, such
as lumber, that might be of use to the enemy. Much of Jacksonville burned to the ground as the
Federal force arrived."
The Union force occupied and strengthened Jacksonville to protect the inhabitants from further
lawlessness. Unionist refugees and other citizens wishing to save their homes and protect their property
filled the city. Citizens felt so secure that a prominent group made preparations to elect a Unionist state
government. It came as a rude shock to the people of Jacksonville when the new commander of the
Union Department of the South ordered the city abandoned. He had taken stock of his new command
and finding his forces overextended had ordered the withdrawal from militarily useless Jacksonville. This
failure to consider the vital political and humanitarian role of maintaining Union control of Jacksonville
had grave consequences for the citizens and the Union cause.
The Union Army occupation of Jacksonville led to the start of guerilla warfare along the St. Johns
River-conflict which would endure for the rest of the war. Confederate blockade runners and supply
services used the .St. .Johns River. as part .of a transportation system bringing Florida cattle and
Caribbean cargoes north to the populated regions of the south. Union naval vessels of the South
Atlantic Blockading Squadron patrolled the coast and made occasional forays up the river to harass
southern economic and supply operations. Confederate cavalry units harassed the navy in turn, firing
on passing gunboats and disappearing into the swampy countryside. Southern vigilantes, called
regulators, sought Confederate deserters, harassed Union military forces, and burned homes and
businesses of known Unionist civilians.
19
One naval historian summed up the peculiar problems of naval operations in Florida.
The blockade of Florida required a different management from that of other parts of
the coast. . . Numberless little affairs thus took place on the station-engagements with
small batteries, boarding parties, cutting-out expeditions; raids upon salt works,
sudden dashes into remote and unfrequented inlets, on dark nights, through tortuous
channels, usually followed by the capture of cotton-laden schooners, or stray boats,
or bales of cotton, with the loss of a man or two here and there.21
A second Union occupation of Jacksonville followed a preemptive attack on a strong rebel fort under
construction at St. Johns Bluff in September 1863. The fort was taken, the batteries removed or
rendered harmless, and Jacksonville occupied for a brief time before the troops and a large number of
freedmen or "intelligent contrabands" gathered from the area withdrew.
18
Daniel Ammen,
The Old
Navy and
the New
(Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1891) pp. 362-365.
19
Daniel Ammen,
The
Navy in
the Civil
War:
The
Atlantic Coast
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1883) pp. 68-71.
z° James Russell Soley,
The
Navy In
the Civil
War:
The Blockade
and
the Cruisers
(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1883) p. 124.
The control of Florida became a Union priority again as the
1864
presidential election approached.
President Lincoln ordered Major General Quincy A. Gillmore to cooperate with a group of men
seeking to reconstruct a loyal state government in Florida. Federal control of a large part of the state
would allow the formation of a quasi-state government during the upcoming election improving the
outlook for the Republican party remaining in power. . Union control would also promote the
recruitment of black soldiers from the interior of Florida and Georgia for the rapidly growing
African-American part of the army.
On February 5,
1864,
General Gillmore ordered Brigadier General Truman Seymour with a division
of troops from Hilton Head, South Carolina to Jacksonville, Florida. Admiral Dahlgren sent a
squadron of five gunboats to accompany the expedition. General Gillmore reported that the aims of
the expedition were to:
First.
Procure an outlet for cotton, lumber, timber, etc.;
Second.
to cut off one
source of the enemy's commissary stores; Third. to obtain recruits for the negro
regiments;
Fourth.
to inaugurate measures for the speedy restoration of Florida to her
allegiance.21
Jacksonville Captured Again
On February
7, 1864,
three Union Army transports,
Maple Leaf, Hunter,
and
Island City,
escorted by the Navy gunboat
Norwich,
landed troops to occupy the city of Jacksonville. Other
gunboats patrolled nearby or waited near the mouth of the St. Johns River. The landing was a
success, capturing the city without serious opposition.
After fortifying the city, troops under General Seymour marched inland. A successful campaign
would divide Florida into manageable areas that could be reduced at leisure. The Confederate
command realized the vulnerability of Florida and reacted to the news of the Union landing by
sending a force by rail from Charleston and Savannah to join the meager Confederate forces in
Florida. Confederate Brigadier General Joseph Finnegan, commander of East Florida, gathered his
widely scattered command and gathered his reinforcements at Ocean Pond near the town of
Olustee.
On February 20, the two forces met in pine barrens near Ocean Pond. The Union advance into the
interior met with disaster at the Battle of Olustee, where
1,861
Union soldiers were killed, wounded,
or captured, compared to Confederate casualties of
940.
The defeated Union survivors fled back to
Jacksonville where three navy gunboats protected the troops as they fortified the city and
reinforcements arrived. Only Confederate supply shortages and command blunders prevented a
greater slaughter of the fleeing Federals.22
21
Samuel Jones, "The Battle of Olustee, or Ocean Pond, Florida,"
Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, vol. IV,
reprint ed.
(Secaucus, New York: Castle, ND) p.
76.
22
George B. Balch to J. A. Dahlgren, February
23
and
29, 1864,
Official Records of the Union and Confederate
Navies in the War of the Rebellion,
ser. 1, vol.
15,
(Washington: Government Printing Office,
1902)
pp. 285, 289.
Jacksonville Reinforced
The purely Army effort to occupy enough of Florida to form a Union state government had failed. In
the aftermath of Olustee, the Federal effort was transformed into an amphibious, combined-warfare
campaign. Superior naval firepower would be used to hold population centers, building a Union
presence and protecting those refugees and runaway slaves that could enter Union areas. Infantry
reinforcements were sent from South Carolina. With greater strength and numbers the Union toehold
could be expanded.
The troops sent to reinforce Jacksonville following the rout at Olustee were most of General Robert
Foster's Brigade of Vogdes Division, including the 112th New York Volunteers; the 169th New York
Volunteers; and the 13th Indiana Infantry Regiment. They traveled aboard Maple Leaf and other Army
transports.
The 112th Regiment Infantry, also known as the Chatauqua Regiment for the county in which it was
formed, was organized at Jamestown, New York, on September 11, 1862. Assigned to a number of
brigades and divisions during the war, the regiment served along the Atlantic coast from Suffolk,
Virginia, to Palatka, Florida. They defended Jacksonville from February 20 until April 21, 1864.23
The 169th New York Volunteers, known as the Troy Regiment, were formed at Troy, New York,
and New York City, on September 25, 1862. The regiment helped defend Washington, D.C., before
being assigned to the Army of Virginia and then to the Department of the South, where they served
alongside the 112th New York in Foster's Brigade of Vogdes Division. After serving in Florida, the
regiment traveled to fight in the Army of the James at Cold Harbor, and in North Carolina at the
second battle of Fort
Fisher."
The 13th Indiana Infantry Regiment was formed at Indianapolis on June 19, 1861. Two commanders
of the regiment, Jeremiah C. Sullivan and Robert S. Foster, were promoted to Brigadier General
during the war. General Foster commanded the brigade sent from South Carolina to reinforce
Jacksonville in March and April 1864. The lath Indiana occupied
Jacksonville from February 23 to April 17, 1864.'
'3
Frederick H. Dyer,
A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion (New York:
Thomas Yoseloff, 1959) vol. 1, p. 195, vol. 3, p.
1449; D. K. Ryberg, "Regiments With Baggage Aboard the Maple Leaf,"
The Maple Leaf, An Extraordinary American Civil
War Shipwreck,
Keith V. Holland, Lee B. Manley, James W. Towart, eds., (Jacksonville, Florida: St. Johns Archaeological
Expeditions, Inc., 1993) pp. 31-39.
Z'
Dyer,
Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, vol. 1,
p. 198; Ryberg, "Regiments With Baggage Aboard the Maple Leaf," pp.
39.
'5
Dyer,
Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, vol. 1,
p. 134; Ryberg, "Regiments With Baggage Aboard the Maple Leaf," p.
39.
Palatka Occupied
On March 11th, with Jacksonville secure, a second Union army force occupied Palatka, another 75
miles upstream. Palatka was intended to become the second Union strong point, emulating the
method employed by the Union combined forces along the Mississippi. Federal naval and army
forces cooperated to reinforce Palatka and capture enemy stores along the river banks. Captured
riverboats proved particularly useful for work along the shallow parts of the river."
The occupation of Palatka at first went well for the Union. Five companies of the 55th Massachusetts
and an artillery battery fortified the city for a garrison of 500 men and made plans to secure the area.
Then in late March, the Confederates replied with a surprise attack that so alarmed the Federals that
they sent immediate reinforcements. The steamer
Maple Leaf,
which had just arrived in Jacksonville,
unloaded the deck cargo, infantry soldiers, and passengers and carried 75 officers and men of the
Independent Battalion Massachusetts .Cavalry with- 87 . horses to . Palatka.
The cavalry carried by
Maple Leaf
and two other transports helped hold Palatka only briefly,
however. The use of two rival transportation methods held the two sides roughly equal. The Union
used the river for rapid concentration of forces to defeat superior numbers of dispersed Confederates.
The rebels used their railroad lines and irregular cavalry to concentrate forces to defeat smaller
dispersed Union units. The introduction of a new weapon on the river would shift power away from
this war of maneuver along the river. The introduction of submarine torpedoes made the river an
uncertain and hazardous route for the Union; Palatka would have to be abandoned once again two
weeks later.21
Confederate Torpedo Service
Among
the rebel reinforcements sent to Florida was Army Captain E Pliny Bryan of the
Confederate Army Torpedo Bureau. This was a secret organization that developed a
system of explosive devices for use in warfare. Although experiments and some
field trials of subterranean and submarine torpedoes had produced promising
results, no military force had developed a system for their use. The Confederate
Torpedo Bureau and the related Submarine Battery Service developed the weapons
and their placement which produced a result far out of proportion to the
financial cost and numbers of people involved.
On the night of March 30,
1864, Captain Bryan and five soldiers from the Second Florida Battalion
planted twelve torpedoes in the St. Johns river channel near Mandarin Point. The torpedoes, called
mines today, were buoyant wooden kegs anchored to float out of sight beneath the surface. Each
mine held 70 pounds of fine grain gunpowder in a keg detonated
26
George B. Balch to Commodore S.C. Rowan, March 15 and 16, 1864, ORN, ser. I, vol. 15, pp. 292-293,
294-295.
27
William H. Nulty, Confederate Florida, The Road to Olustee (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama, 1990)
pp. 187-202.
by simple contact fuses on the upper surface. Pine wood cones on each end of the keg provided
buoyancy."
Keg torpedoes and other similar mechanisms, called "infernal machines" by the Union, had become the
single most deadly weapon against northern seapower. As the Spring 1864 Florida campaign began,
two Union ironclads had been sunk and three other warships damaged severely by mines. Before the
war ended at least twenty-seven more vessels would be sunk and seven damaged by mines, including
three more in the St. Johns. Maple Leaf was the second largest Army transport sunk during the war."
Sinking of Maple Leaf
At four a.m. on the morning of April 1, 1864, while returning to Jacksonville from Palatka, Maple Leaf
struck a Confederate torpedo off Mandarin Point." The torpedo exploded near the bow, ripping up
through the deck and into the side. The ship sank quickly, coming to rest upright on the muddy bottom.
Five black crew members sleeping on the foredeck above the explosion were instantly killed, but the
remaining passengers and crew escaped into boats and were saved."
Searchers found and rendered harmless more torpedoes near the wreck. During the day,
Confederates brought up canon and "shelled away the visible part of the wreck. " Attempts to salvage
the ship's cargo never came to fruition.
Maple Leaf transported the personal belongings and camp equipment for three regiments, the
headquarters of General Robert Foster, and considerable sutler stores with her to the bottom. This
cargo has great potential to provide information about the ordinary material used and kept by soldiers
in the field.
The sinking of Maple Leaf immediately led to the beginning of regular patrols of the river by naval
gunboats and armed Army transports. Ships kept carefully in the path "swept" by the lead ship. Troop
transports were convoyed by gunboats, which could provide covering fire if ambushed. On April 17,
after the discovery of another type of torpedo in the river, the Union abandoned Palatka. Despite the
patrols, a second Army transport travelling in
I
James W. Towart, and Col. J. V. Witt, "The
Maple Leaf
as a Union Army Transport," and Richard A. Martin, "The Great River
War on the St. Johns," in Keith W, Holland, Lee B. Manley and James W. Towart, eds.,
The Maple Leaf, An Extraordinary
American Civil War Shipwreck
(Jacksonville, Florida: St. Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., 1993) pp. 15-17, 23-26.
29
John Townsend Bucknill,
Submarine Mines and Torpedoes As Applied to Harbor Defence
(London: Offices of
Engineering,
1889)
pp. 1-4.
30
George B. Balch to S.C. Rowan, April 1, 1864,
ORN,
ser. I, vol. 15, p. 307; Telegram from Patton Anderson to Thomas Jordan,
April 1, 1865,
]bid., p.
316; Naval History Division, Navy Department, Civil
War Naval Chronology, 1861-1865
(Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971) IV-37.
31
"The Steamer Maple Leaf Blown Up by a Torpedo,"
New York Times,
April 13, 1864, p. 1.
NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev.
8-86)
OMB No.
1024
0018
MAPLE LEAF Page 20
United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
convoy, General Hunter, was sunk by a torpedo near the wreck of Maple Leaf during the
withdrawal on April 17.32
Dealing with the Wreck
The Civil War left a number of sunken vessels blocking southern rivers and harbors; Maple Leaf was
but one of hundreds. Those that could be salvaged profitably were sold by the Treasury Department,
leaving other more dangerous or less valuable wrecks to be cleared by the U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers. The Treasury Department advertised Maple Leaf and two other wrecks for sale on
September 20, 1870, but found no buyers."
That left the Corps of Engineers the responsibility for clearing waterways of the torpedoes,
obstructions, and sunken vessels that prevented safe navigation. On November 17, 1882, the Corps of
Engineers contracted with Roderick G. Ross of Fernandina, Florida, to "remove" the wreck to a depth
of 18 feet. Wreck removal as practiced by contractors following the Civil War meant clearance of
underwater obstructions by any means practicable. Wrecks could be. raised and removed completely,
blasted flat on the bottom, or any combination of the two."
Ross apparently removed the portions of the hogging frame above the main deck, protruding parts of the
machinery, and the remaining superstructure by February 1, 1883. He was paid $3,880 for his work
over the winter. Ross missed one part of the wreck and was awarded an additional contract in 1883 to
remove the offending wreckage. The wreck continued to appear on maps as late as 1911, disappearing
from notice thereafter until 1984.3s
Relocation of the Wreck
In 1984, a Jacksonville dentist, Keith Holland, and other professional and business people interested
in historic shipwrecks located a wreck tentatively identified as Maple Leaf. The group matched
satellite imagery of the St. Johns to historical charts and searched in a small area that they believed
held the remains of the Union transport. That year, they formed
32
George B. Balch to S.C. Rowan, April 5, and April 17, 1864; and J.P. Hatch to George B. Balch, April 5,
1864, ORN, ser. I, vol. 15, pp. 311, 312, 314; Dyer,
Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, vol. 3,
pp. 1266-1267.
33
Tyke Florida Times-Union,
September 20, 1870, as quoted in Towart, and Witt,
"Maple Leaf
as a Union Army
Transport," p. 15.
34
Towart, and Witt, "The
Maple Leaf
as a Union Army Transport," p. 15.
3s
]bid.; 1911 U.S.
Coast and Geodetic Survey chart reproduced in Frank J. Cantelas,
"Maple Leaf
Future
Management and Past Field Investigations," produced for St. Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc.,
(Greenville, North Carolina: Program in maritime History and Nautical Archaeology, East Carolina University,
1992) figure 5, p. 18.
NPS Form
10.900
USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No.
1024-0018
MAPLE LEAF Page 21
United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
Saint Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., (SJAEI) as a for-profit company, that being the easiest
route to forming an organization to secure rights to excavate the wreck."
Dr. Holland and others in the group contacted experienced professional archaeologists, historians,
and conservators in their quest to carefully excavate and conserve the material they had located.
SJAEI had difficulty in determining which government agency had jurisdiction over the wreck; they
filed suit to claim salvage rights to force resolution of the issue of ownership of the wreck."
The wreck was found to remain the property of the United States Army and administered by the
General Services Administration. The State of Florida was found to have no legal claim to the wreck,
but was acknowledged as an interested party in the careful excavation, conservation, and curation of
the material that might be collected from the wreck.
The suit resulted in a compromise agreement wherein SJAEI could proceed with excavation, receiving
80% of all material recovered. The United States Army and the State of Florida would each receive
10% of the recovered material: Florida would lend archaeological and conservation expertise to the
project. The result of this agreement has been a most extraordinary archaeological project. SJAEI,
although a for-profit company entitled to sell 80 % of what it recovered, has kept the archaeological
material and records together without dispersal. Dr. Holland describes the SJAEI Maple Leaf project
as a public trust which deserves to remain intact as a collection.38
By 1989, the early guarded expressions of interest from state and Federal historical preservation
professionals evolved as well, eventually resulting in substantial grants to the project from the state of
Florida and the U.S. Army .39 This funding has been used for excavation, conservation, storage, and
publication of results. Lee Manley, a skilled divemaster, was hired to organize the project full time and
set up a conservation laboratory in Jacksonville. Another significant step was the initiation of a
cooperative agreement between SJAEI and East Carolina University (ECU). ECU provided Frank
Cantellas as the
36
The description of the location and excavations of the wreck site are taken from multiple sources including
interviews. The primary sources have been: Keith V. Holland, "The Long Successful Search for the
Maple Leaf,"
in Holland, Manley, and Towart,
The Maple Leaf, An Extraordinary American Civil War
Shipwreck, pp.
127-138; and Frank J. Cantelas,
Maple Leaf.- Future Management and Past Field Investigations,
(Greenville, North Carolina: Program In Maritime History and Nautical Archaeology, East Carolina
University, 1992).
37
Miller, "The Sociology of a Shipwreck Project," pp. 121-126.
'8
"St. Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Inc., plaintiff, vs. The Unidentified, Wrecked and Abandoned Steam Vessel Believed to be
the vessel
Maple Leaf,"
and "Stipulation for Compromise Settlement," United States District Court, Middle District of Florida,
Case no.: 84-1383-CIV-J-16, as reprinted in Appendix D, Holland, Manley, Towart,
The Maple Leaf, An Extraordinary
American Civil War Shipwreck.
39
Stephen W. Sylvia, "Introduction" to Dr. Francis A. Lord, "Underwater Time Capsule: The Wreck of the
Maple Leaf,"
in
North
South Trader's Civil War,
(May-June, 1992), p. 30; William E. Marden, "500 get first look at Maple Leaf artifacts,"
The Florida
Times-Union,
(Jacksonville, Florida: October 27, 1988).
MAPLE LEAF Page 22
United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
full-time archaeological manager to oversee planning and execution of a succession of three summer
field schools carrying out documentation of the shipwreck structure.'
Conclusion
The Maple Leaf site possesses great potential to add to our knowledge of the past. Florida State
Archaeologist James J. Miller calls Maple Leaf "a vitally important shipwreck" and says of the
archeological project:
No underwater archaeological project in Florida has even come close to the Maple
Leaf in representing a model for public and private sector cooperation, or for public
benefit."
4°
George A. Threewitts, "East Carolina Divers Probe Civil War time Capsule," Underwater USA, (December
1991) p. 28.
41
Miller, "The Sociology of a Shipwreck Project," pp. 125-126.
MAPLE LEAF Page 23
United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
9. MAJOR BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES
Ammen, Daniel.
The Navy In the Civil War: The Atlantic Coast.
New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1883.
Cantellas, Frank J.,
Maple Leaf.- Future Management and Past Field Investigations.
Produced for
Saint Johns Archaeological Expeditions, Incorporated by the Program in Maritime History and
Nautical Archaeology, East Carolina University. Jacksonville, Florida, 1992.
Gibson, Charles Dana.
Merchantman or Ship
of
War: A Synopsis
of
Laws; U. S. State
Department Positions; and Practices Which Alter the Peaceful Character
of
U. S.
Merchant Vessels in Time
of
War.
Camden, Maine: Ensign Press, 1986.
Heyl, Eric.
'Early American Steamers.
7 vols. Buffalo, New York: Eric Heyl, 1953=1969.
Martin, Richard A., and Daniel L. Schafer,
Jacksonville's Ordeal by Fire: A Civil War History.
James Robertson Ward, ed., Florida Publishing Company: Jacksonville, Florida, 1984.
Morrison, John H.
History
of
American Steam Navigation.
Foreword by Frank O.
Braynard. New York: Stephen Daye Press, 1958.
Mueller, Edward A.
St. Johns River Steamboats.
Jacksonville, Florida: Edward A. Mueller,
1986.
Naval History Division, Navy Department, Civil
War Naval Chronology, 1861-1865,
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971.
Neeser, Robert Wilden.
Statistical and Chronological History
of
the United States Navy,
17751907, 2 vols. Research and Source Works Series, no. 507. n.p., 1909; reprint ed.,New
York: Burt Franklin, 1970.
Nulty, William H.
Confederate Florida: The Road to Olustee.
Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama
Press, 1990.
Reed, Rowena.
Combined Operations in the Civil War.
Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 1978.
Ridgley-Nevitt, Cedric.
American Steamships on the North Atlantic.
Newark: University of Delaware
Press, 1981.
Roper, Stephen.
Handbook
of
Land and Marine Engines Including The Modeling, Construction,
Running, and Management
of
Land and Marine Engines and Boilers.
Bridgeport,
Connecticut: Frederick Keppy, Scientific Book Publisher, 1875.
MAPLE LEAF Page 24
United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
Silverstone, Paul H.
Warships of the Civil War Navies,
(Annapolis, Maryland: Naval Institute
Press, 1989.
Spratt, H. Philip.
Handbook of the Collections Illustrating Marine Engineering.
South
Kensington, London: Science Museum, n.d.
Tyler, David Budlong.
Steam Conquers The Atlantic.
New York: D. Appleton-Century
Company, 1939.
Whittier, Bob.
Paddle Wheel Steamers and their Giant Engines.
Duxbury, Massachusetts:
Seamaster Boats, Inc., Book Division, 1983.
Previous documentation on file (NPS):
_ Preliminary Determination of Individual Listing (36 CFR 67) has been requested. - Previously
Listed in the National Register. - Previously Determined Eligible by the National Register. -
Designated a National Historic Landmark. - Recorded by Historic American Buildings Survey:
# - Recorded by Historic American Engineering Record: #
Primary Location of Additional Data:
_X State Historic Preservation Office: Florida -
Other State Agency - Federal Agency _. Local
Government _ University - Other (Specify
Repository):
MAPLE LEAF Page 25
United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
10. GEOGRAPHICAL DATA
Acreage of Property: Less than one (1) acre
UTM References: Zone Easting Northing
A 17 434450 3336345
Verbal Boundary Description:
The site dimensions extend 600 feet radius from the UTM Reference Point of 17
434450 3336345.
Boundary Justification:
The Maple Leaf's hull is essentially intact. The boundary of the site is based upon visual examination and
magnetometer surveys. The wreck is stable, with little natural deterioration, and the site has suffered no
erosion. Due to salvage work done in the 1880s, it is possible that some of the upper decking and
artifacts may be scattered within the radius.
11. FORM PREPARED BY
Name/Title: Mr. Kevin J. Foster, Maritime Historian
National Park Service/Washington Office
National Maritime Initiative/History Division (418)
P.O. Box 37127, Suite 310
Washington, DC 20013-7127
Telephone: 202/343-5969
Date: May 26, 1994
National Park Service/WASO/History Division (418): May 27, 1994